I  '    MIDENTIAL 


REPORT 

ON 

LABOR   SITUATION 

of 

NORWAY 


CONFIDENTIAL 


REPORT 

ON 
LABOR   SITUATION 

OF 
NORWAY 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

History  before  the  War 1 

History  since  the  War 2 

Tables   8 

1.  Elections  to  the  Storting,  1909-1918 8 

2.  List  of  Trades-Unions,  with  account  of  organization.  ...  9 
Names  of  Leaders 

1.  Of  Trades-Unions 11 

2.  Of  Political  Groups 12 

Conclusion   12 

Appendix — See  Appendix  to  Report  on  Denmark — Attitude  of  the 

Inter-Scandinavian    Labor    Conference,    January. 
1915,  toward  the  War. 


LABOR  SITUATION  IN  NORWAY 

History  Before  the  War 

The  political  labor  movement  in  Norway,  which  began  before  the 
purely  trades-union  movement,  dates  from  the  revolutionary  wave 
which  swept  over  Europe  in  1848.  Marcus  Thrane,  the  founder  of  the 
movement  in  Norway,  and  other  leaders  were  arrested  in  1851,  and  all 
action  put  an  end  to  for  some  years. 

But  in  1881,  when  a  liberal  party  came  into  control  of  the  ministry, 
the  Social-Democrats  organized  a  party  of  their  own,  with  an  official 
organ  for  the  spreading  of  propaganda.  Out  of  this,  in  1887,  the  Nor- 
wegian Labor  Party  (Norak  Arbeiderparti)  was  formed.  Although  for 
the  first  few  years  it  was  not  avowedly  socialistic,  in  1891  it  came  out 
on  a  straight  socialistic  platform.  It  made  demands  for  disarmament 
and  it  generally  opposed  the  government's  military  program.  The 
essence  of  the  argument  for  disarmament  is  Norway's  geographical 
situation  in  respect  to  Europe,  and  the  peculiar  burden  which  militarism 
places  on  the  laboring  classes.  The  peaceful  settlement  of  the  separa- 
tion from  Sweden  in  1905  gave  this  group  new  strength,  and  in  1909 
the  party  convention  declared  itself  in  favor  of  complete  disarmament, 
of  Norway's  declaring  her  permanent  neutrality,  and  of  abolishing  all 
military  service.  This  program  remained  unquestioned  until  1914. 

The  party  first  took  part  in  an  election  in  1894,  when  it  polled 
only  700  votes.  In  1909  it  polled  over  91,000,  and  in  the  recent  elec- 
tions of  October,  1918,  it  polled  over  300,000.  Its  greatest  strength  is 
among  the  industrial  workers  in  the  cities.  It  published  a  political 
organ — The  Social-demokraten — at  Christiania,  which,  it  is  estimated, 
has  a  circulation  of  about  31,000.  It  also  maintains  several  weeklies 
and  dailies  and  conducts  an  evening  school  at  Christiania  for  propa- 
ganda purposes.  It  participates  in  the  maintenance  of  several  labor 
lyceums  throughout  the  country,  and  maintains  special  woman  auxiliary 
organizations  of  several  thousand  members.  There  are  as  yet  no 
women  members  of  the  Storting,  but  women  have  seats  in  rural  town 
governments. 
Trades-  Unionism 

The  first  Trade-Union  in  Norway — the  typographers — was  founded 
in  1884.  In  1899  a  national  federation  composed  of  about  20,000  mem- 
bers, organized  in  75  locals,  was  formed.  The  following  year,  however, 
the  employers  organized  an  association  which  has  become  very  strong. 
In  1916  it  had  reached  a  strength  of  89,000  members,  or  over  1.600 

1 


establishments.  The  economic  crisis  of  1909  reduced  the  membership 
of  the  union  and  very  considerably  reduced  the  funds,  as  the  unions 
supported  the  great  strikes  in  Sweden  of  that  year.  Since  1910,  how- 
ever, the  strength  of  the  federation  has  increased.  In  1911  it  began 
the  organization  of  seamen  and  agricultural  labor — a  very  large  part 
of  the  labor  of  the  country.  The  principal  efforts  of  the  federation 
have  been  directed  toward  increasing  wages,  shortening  hours,  and 
the  making  of  collective  agreements  for  longer  periods.  The  present 
membership  is  reporetd  at  about  100,000. 
History  Since  the  War:  Labor  Party 

In  1914,  just  before  the  war,  the  Conservative  party,  compelled 
the  Liberal  group  in  the  Government  to  introduce  a  series  of  military 
appropriations,  with  the  result  that  the  Social-Democratic  group  found 
themselves  obliged  to  declare  their  views  on  disarmament.  The  Chair- 
man, Holerman-Knudsen,  and  the  Secretary,  Magnus  Xielson,  explained 
that  the  party  program  meant  immediate  disarmament  as  soon  as  it 
could  secure  the  necessary  parliamentary  majority,  while  the  minority 
within  the  party,  represented  by  Bonnevie  and  Bergerson,  dissented. 
This  aroused  considerable  discussion  in  the  Press,  but  the  majority 
declared  itself  against  Bonnevie's  point  of  view. 

The  matter  became  a  burning  question  again  late  in  1914,  upon 
the  declaration  of  the  European  war.  Inasmuch  as  the  Social-Demo- 
cratic group  in  parliament  voted  for  the  Government  asking  for  the 
appropriation  of  fifteen  million  crowns  for  the  preservation  of  its 
neutrality,  this  vote  of  the  party  group  was  considered  as  a  breach 
of  its  principles  and  was  violently  assailed  in  the  press  and  in  public 
meetings.  Apparently  if  Bonnevie's  group  triumphed  there  would  be 
necessary  a  revision  of  the  party  program,  or  at  least  a  concise  and 
binding  interpretation  of  the  party's  military  program.  A  special 
committee  was  created,  consisting  of  representatives  from  the  party, 
from  the  trade-unions,  and  Representative  Bonnevie.  The  majority 
in  its  report  was  in  favor  of  the  abolition  of  militarism,  and  declared 
that  the  program  of  the  Norwegian  Labor  Party  meant  complete  dis- 
armament as  soon  as  the  necessary  parliamentary  majority  could  put 
it  through.  Bonnevie,  of  the  minority,  took  the  point  of  view  already 
referred  to,  that  is.  disarmament  based  upon  international  exigencies. 

The  majority  of  the  Committee  explained  the  grounds  of  its  de- 
mand at  length,  as  opposed  to  all  military  defense  because  it  is  the 
crudest  expression  of  the  capitalistic  system  of  society.  From  purely 
financial,  technical  and  social  grounds,  Norway  should  disarm. 

At  the  Convention  in  the  spring  of  1918  the  majority  report  was 
accepted. 

The  party  convention  went  further  in  its  radicalism,  so  that  its 

2 


present  program  is  disarmament,  permanent  neutrality,  compulsory 
and  binding  arbitration,  and  "direct  action"  against  militarism,  taking 
such  shape  as  military  service  and  mobilization  strikes,  as  well  as  pro- 
hibiting its  parliamentary  representatives  from  voting  for  appropria- 
tions for  the  maintenance  of  so-called  neutrality. 

In  a  word,  the  Norwegian  Labor  Party  during  the  period  of  the 
world  war  has,  without  equivocation,  expressed  its  complete  negation 
of  measures  of  defense,  and  that  it  is  not  only  in  complete  opposition 
to  all  militarism,  but  likewise  aaginst  the  very  principle  of  national 
defense.  The  party  will  work  therefore  for  its  program,  both  through 
parliamentary  and  extra-parliamentary  means. 
Trades-  Unions 

Besides  the  question  of  disarmament,  labor  has  had  two  sources 
of  dissatisfaction,  here  as  in  so  many  other  countries :  The  increased 
cost  of  living  and  the  question  of  compulsory  arbitration  of  labor 
disputes.  As  to  the  first,  the  Government  appointed  a  Committee 
which  reported  that  by  the  end  of  1917,  while  wages  had  increased 
40%,  living  expenses  had  increased  100%.  The  compulsory  arbitra- 
tion act  of  1916  arranged  for  a  board  of  two  workmen,  two  employers 
and  a  Government  official  as  chairman.  In  protest  against  this  a 
general  strike  was  declared,  but  it  lasted  only  about  five  days,  when 
the  men  went  back  to  work. 

On  the  whole,  the  trades-unions  movement  has  maintained  its  pre- 
war conservative  features,  in  striking  contrast  to  the  radicalism  of  the 
Labor  Party,  but  this  conservatism  is  by  no  means  unanimous.  There 
is  a  strong  radical  group  in  the  trades-unions  favoring  direct  action, 
the  general  strike,  and  sabotage  as  the  weapons  of  labor. 

The  test  of  the  strength  of  these  two  opposing  elements  within 
the  movement  came  to  a  head  at  the  Convention  of  October  25-27, 
1917.  Discussion  of  the  form  of  organization  and  the  future  tactics 
of  the  trades-union  movement  consumed  six  of  the  eight  days  of  the 
Convention.  According  to  the  view  of  the  minority  representatives, 
i.e.,  the  syndicalists,  the  labor  movement  must  strive  not  only  for  the 
improvement  of,  the  condition  of  the  laborer  within  the  capitalistic 
organization,  but  must  also  seek  to  destroy  the  capitalistic  method  of 
organization,  and  by  taking  over  the  means  of  production  and  dis- 
tribution introduce  a  socialistic  method  of  organization.  This,  it  is 
declared,  involves  a  change  in  the  tactics  of  the  trade  union.  Instead 
of  organizing  central  federations  they  should  adopt  the  purely  fed- 
erated form  of  organization,  with  emphasis  upon  the  local  division. 
Freedom  of  contract  must  always  exist,  and  therefore  there  must  be 
no  collective  agreements. 

The  Trade  Union  Congress  of  the  preceding  year   (1916)    had 

3 


established  a  Committee  of  fifteen  persons,  to  consider  questions  of 
the  method  of  organization  and  tactics  to  be  employed.  This  Com- 
mittee laid  before  the  convention  two  resolutions  of  contrary  intent ; 
the  one  for  the  continuance  of  the  present  form  of  constitution  and 
for  the  trade  union  movement,  and  signed  by  eleven  members  of  the 
committee;  the  second  from  the  syndicalistic  point  of  view  and  signed 
by  four  members.  The  resolution  of  the  majority  of  the  committee 
was  immediately  adopted  by  the  convention,  by  a  vote  of  208  to  71. 
This  division  of  the  votes  continued  through  the  proceedings  dealing 
with  the  minor  points  involved.  In  general  the  vote  was  as  3  to  1 
in  favor  of  the  older  and  better  recognized  form  of  organization  and 
trade  union  methods  of  action. 

In  some  unions  control  has  been  secured  by  the  syndicalists. 
Thus,  according  to  newspaper  report  of  January  8th,  1918.  the  Iron 
and  Metal  Workers'  Federation,  one  of  the  largest  within  the  National 
Federation  of  Trade  Unions,  formed  a  Council  of  Workers.  This 
Council  of  Workers  demanded:  (1)  that  the  State  should  seize  all 
stores  of  necessities  of  life;  (2)  that  all  military  training  be  done 
away  with;  (3)  that  in  order  to  effect  this  Councils  of  Workers 
should  be  set  up  in  every  town  and  district. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  committees  of  all  the  labor  and  socialist  asso- 
ciations in  Christiania  these  resolutions  were  adopted,  the  first  two 
by  plurality,  the  third  by  a  majority. 

On  August  31,  1918,  at  a  meeting  of  the  Norwegian  Laborers' 
Federation,  the  largest  one  within  the  National  Federation,  a  resolu- 
tion was  passed  altering  the  organization  to  suit  syndicalistic  princi- 
ples. The  Norwegian  Laborers'  Federation  in  July,  1918,  comprised 
26,372  members  or  26%  of  the  total  membership  of  the  National 
Federation  of  Trade  Unions. 
A>7t'  Policy  of  the  Xorwegian  Labor  Part\. 

Back  of  the  change  in  policy  of  the  Labor  party  outlined  above 
lay  the  hardships  brought  about  by  increasing  cost  of  living  in  Nor- 
way. Trammael,  the  leader  of  the  radical  wing,  demanded  that  war 
wages  be  brought  to  a  pre-war  level  and  in  case  of  failure  of  the 
party  to  secure  that  demand  use  should  be  made  of  the  general  strike, 
sabotage,  boycott,  together  with  a  general  resistance  to  military 
service. 

At  the  convention  of  the  party  late  in  March,  1918,  two  resolu- 
tions were  laid  before  it  from  the  Executive  Council.  The  report  of 
the  minority  of  the  Executive  Committee  was  accepted  by  the  Con- 
vention and  was  as  follows: 

"As  a  revolutionary  party  in  the  class  struggle,  the  Social- 
4 


Democracy  cannot  acknowledge  the  right  of  the  property- 
owning  classes  to  profit  economically  from  the  oppression  of 
the  working  classes,  whether  or  not  such  profit  and  oppression 
are  supported  by  the  majority  of  the  representatives  of  the 
people. 

"The  Norwegian  Labor  Party  must  therefore  insist  on  its 
right  to  employ  revolutionary  mass  action  in  the  struggle  for 
the  economic  freedom  of  the  working  classes. 

The  Convention,  however,  is  of  the  opinion  that  the  Nor- 
wegian Labor  Party,  as  a  political  party,  in  the  first  instance 
must  work  to  secure  control  of  the  political  power  through 
the  elections. 

"But  the  party  cannot  maintain  its  indifference  to  the  strug- 
gle which  is  being  carried  on  by  other  workmen's  organizations. 
The  Convention  welcomes,  therefore,  the  creation  of  a  work- 
ers' and  soldiers'  council  (Arbeider-og  soldateraad). 

"The  Convention  therefore  wishes  to  express  its  sympathy, 
with  the  demands  regarding  the  increased  cost  of  living  which 
have  been  presented  by  the  Conference  of  Workmen's  Coun- 
cils, as  well  as  the  claims  wrhich  the  principal  labor  organiza- 
tions have  raised,  •  and  urges  the  members  of  the  party  to 
support  action  in  the  matter  of  the  high  cost  of  living  which 
the  workingmen  may  take  up  through  their  organization. 

"Furthermore,  the  Convention  earnestly  directs  the  work- 
ingmen of  the  country  to  assemble  at  the  elections  to  the 
Storting  in  the  fall,  in  a  single  and  mighty  effort  to  strike  down 
the  civic  reaction  and  to  secure  political  control."  This  resolu- 
tion was  signed  by  the  following  committee  members:  Olav 
Scheflo,  Eivind  Reirersen,  Henrik  Berg,  Martin  Trammael, 
Kyrre  Grepp,  and  John  Aalberg.  , 

In  reviewing  the  above  change  in  the  policy  and  tactics  of  the 
party,  Ole  Q.  Lian,  Secretary  of  the  National  Trade  Union  Federa- 
tion, and  editor  of  its  official  organ,  expresses  the  fear  that  the  labor 
movement  may  not  react  successfully  from  the  effect  of  this  change 
in  policy  toward  greater  violence  and  extreme  radicalism.  He  points 
out  that  it  is  a  violation  of  the  fundamental  principle  of  the  Social- 
Democracy  which  rests  upon  the  rule  of  the  majority. 

Johan  Castberg,  who  is  at  present  one  of  the  three  members  in 
the  Storting  representing  the  radical  "people's  party,  sometimes  termed 
the  Labor  Democratic  Party,  thus  interprets  the  situation: 

"It  was  reported  today  that  at  the  National  Convention  of  the  Socialists 
the  so-called  young  socialists,  syndicalists,  have  triumphed,  a  change  which  fore- 

5 


casts  revolution  in  a  country  which  has  universal  suffrage,  a  change  which 
would  go  beyond  parliamentary  means.  I  am  of  the  opinion  that  we  shall  find 
reason  for  such  an  occurrence.  Our  people  is  not  a  people  without  respect  to 
law  and  right.  If  this  does  occur,  it  will  not  happen  merely  because  of  the 
contagion  from  the  East;  Sweden  lies  between  us,  and  Sweden  retains  its 
parliamentary  course  firmly  within  the  Social-Democracy.  \Ve  shall  see,  in 
so  far  as  it  is  given  to  understand  passing  events  which  are  not  to  be  denied, 
that  the  manner  in  which  the  increasing  cost  of  living,  with  its  enormous  profits 
for  a  few,  has  been  met  in  our  country,  has  in  many  ways  created  bitterness, 
and  that  this  fact  will  be  made  use  of  by  elements  which  are  not  particularly 
earnest  or  conscientious  in  the  country's  interest.  But  that  may  be  as  it  is : 
it  is  certain,  however,  that  either  there  will  be  a  break  in  the  Social-Democratic 
party— which  I  cannot  believe — or  that  there  will  not  be  a  break,  in  which  case 
there  will  be  a  mass  of  radical  people  in  our  country  who  will  not  prefer  to 
use  illegal  methods,  which  will  not  care  to  go  beyond  parliamentary  means. 
With  this  situation  before  us  there  is  great  significance  in  the  fact  that  there 
is  a  real  radical  party  in  the  country  which  clearly  and  frankly  follows  parlia- 
mentary lines  and  desires  a  democratic  development  on  a  national  basis,  accord- 
ing to  the  conditions  prevailing  in  the  country." 

J:cono»iic  and  Political  Demands. 

The  principal  demands  of  the  labor  and  socialist  movement  con- 
cerned the  high  cost  of  living  and  unemployment.  During  the  war 
labor  has  demanded:  (1)  abolition  of  "home  work;  (2)  repre- 
sentation upon  home  workers4  board  which  it  secured  in  Octo- 
ber, 1918;  (3)  abolition  of  use  of  military  forces  in  suppression 
of  strikes  at  Sulitjelma;  (4)  increase  in  bread  ration;  (5) 
eight-hour  working  day;  (6)  abolition  of  compulsory  arbitration  in 
industrial  disputes;  (7)  maximization  of  the  prices  of  all  necessities; 
(8)  prevention  of  hoarding;  and  (9)  greater  production  of  the  neces- 
sities by  calling  of  those  in  military  service;  (10)  extension  of  Stale 
and  municipal  public  works  to  combat  unemployment;  (11)  increase  in 
subsidies  to  unemployment  funds;  (12)  regulation  of  raw  materials 
for  manufacturing  purposes  with  a  view  to  stabilizing  employment : 
( 13 )  subsidies  to  producers  to  offset  increasing  prices  of  all  neces- 
sities. 

Early  in  1918  (Feb.  9)  a  joint  meeting  of  representatives  of  the 
executive  committee  of  the  Labor  Party,  the  National  Trade  Union 
Federation,  and  the  Socialist  group  in  the  Storting  made  the  following 
specific  demands  upon  the  government  in  relation  to  the  high  cost  of 
living : — • 

• 

1.  Commandeering  or  licensing  of  all  the  principal  articles  of  commerce, 
such  that  there  may  be  realized  complete  control  over  production  on  the  part  of 
society  and  on  the  importation  and  distribution  of  necessities,  according  to  need 
and  irrespective  of  purchasing  power. 

6 


Immediate  rationing  of  butter,  potatoes,  vegetables,  pork  and  other  meats, 
as  well  as  effective  distribution  of  milk,  so  that  these  products  may  not  be  with- 
drawn from  that  part  of  the  public  having  the  least  purchasing1  power. 

Effective  regulation  of  the  lish  catch  in  order  to  supply  people  with  cheap 
fish  in  sufficient  quantities  to  substitute  for  other  necessities  which  are  lacking. 

All  establishments  should  be  required  to  install  canteens,  or  see  to  it  that 
some  other  method  of  serving  warm  food,  under  co-operation  with  the  municipal 
Food  Administration,  be  provided,  in  order  that  all  workers  may  be  assured 
a  meal  in  a  warm  room. 

Subsidies,  so  that  in  addition  to  the  grants  which  are  now  given  to  keep 
down  prices  of  flour  and  fish,  there  may  be  brought  about  a  reduction  in  the 
price  of  other  necessities. 

Fixation  of  maximum  prices  on  all  necessities,  including  thereunder  build- 
ing material,  on  the  basis  of  the  services  rendered  to  society. 

All  the  sales  of  these  necessities  shall  take  place  by  or  through  the  State 
or  the  Food  Administration,  under  whose  control  distribution  shall  take  place, 
in  order  to  prevent  circumvention  of  the  maximum  prices  or  withholding  the 
products  for  speculative  purposes. 

A  ration  of  bread  and  flour  in  town  and  country,  with  addition  for  persons 
doing  heavy  work. 

2.  In  order  to   promote  the   highest  degree  of  production  of  necessities, 
all  persons  doing  military  service  to  be  called  in   1918,  and  measures  for  the 
defense  of  neutrality  be  limited  to  the  obvious  necessities. 

The  municipalities  of  the  State  may  commandeer  ground  which  is  not 
satisfactorily  and  sufficiently  used  by  the  private  owner  and  either  operate  this 
itself  directly,  or  give  access  to  the  ground  to  one  who  is  willing  to  cultivate 
it  by  himself. 

All  supplies  of  commodities  held  for  military  purposes  shall  be  directed 
to  the  services  of  necessary  production. 

3.  For    the   prevention    and    combatting   of    unemployment   all    State    and 
municipal  work  shall  be  extended  and  undertaken  to  the  extent  determined  by 
the   necessities   of   unemployment. 

Adequate  appropriation  for  these  purposes  on  the  part  of  the  State. 

Increase  of  the  public  subsidies  to  unemployment  funds,  so  that  the  un- 
employed may  receive  adequate  support. 

Regulation  of  raw  materials  for  manufacturing  purposes,  and  limitation 
of  the  hours  of  labor  in  such  a  way  that  uniform  employment  may  be  main- 
tained as  long  as  possible. 

4.  Adequate  State  subsidies  to  all  municipal  institutions  created  to  offset 
the  high  cost  of  living. 

5.  Municipalities   to   be  granted    State   subsidies   and   assistance  and   pro- 
vided loans  at  low  rates  for  the  construction  of  houses  for  homeless  families 
of  workingmen  and  of  the  middle  classes. 

Increase  of  the  limit  of  tax  exemption  and  opportunity  for  municipalities 
to  levy  a  surtax  upon  large  undertakings  and  property  holdings,  for  distribu- 
tion among  the  institutions  which  have  been  set  up  to  combat  the  effect  of  high 
cost  of  living. 


TABLE  I 

ELECTIONS  TO  THE  NORWEGIAN  STORTING,  1909-1918 
(Statistisk  Aarbok  for  Kongeriket   Norge,    1915,  pp.    136-137.) 

No.  of  No.  of 

Women  Legal  Conservative  • Votes  Cast  by  Parties \ 

Total             Voting  Votes  and  Left  or            Labor-            Social- 
Year          Xo.  Voting       of  Total  Counted  Liberals  Radicals       democratic     democratic 

1918                                                              258,073  223,872              216,558 

1915           671,293      304,278      663,028       179.028  204,243       25,658          198,111 

1912         533,182      187,624      526,905      162,074  195,526                 128,455 

1909          490,246      162,928      483,021       175,388  128,367        15,550            91,268 

The  representation  of  the  different  parties  in  the  Norwegian   Storting   in 
1917  and  1918  has  been  as  follows: 

Party  Groups  Xumber  of  Members 

1918  1917 

Right  and  Liberals 49  21 

Left   (Radicals)    52  74 

Labor  Democrats   3  6 

Socialists   (Labor  Party) 18  19 

Agrarian   Federation 3 

Independent    1  3 


TABLE  II 
MEMBERSHIP  OF  TRADE-UNIONS  IN  NORWAY  AFFILIATED  WITH 

THE  NATIONAL  LABOR  FEDERATION,   1916 
(Statistisk  Aarbok  for  Kongeriket  Norge,  1917,  p.  108.) 

, — Number,  Dec.  31,  1916-p,  Member- 
Unions                                           Local  Unions       Membership  ship  1918 
Laborers'    Federation    347  20,465  26,372 

bakery  and   Confectionery   Workers 56  1,777  1,643 

Barbers  and  Hair  Dressers 4  110  310 

Bookbinders     13  1,233  1,565 

Book   Printers 47  3,023  3,243 

Moulders    42  1,720  1,811 

Goldsmiths     6  627  6X5 

Harbor  and  Transport  Workers 45  3,538  5,910 

Iron  and  Metal  Workers 116  17,002  20.670 

Drivers   and  Truckers 14  990 

Butchers     11  253  520 

Lithographers    7  555  485 

Painters    (houses,   etc) 30  1,236  1,314 

Seamen    10  1,707  1.503 

Stone  and  Brick  Masons 40  1,809  1,933 

Furniture   Workers    35  1,440  1,649 

Paper   Industry   Workers 79  6,550  6,667 

Sadlers   and  Upholsterers 11  335  475 

Saw  and  Planing  Mill  Workers 42  3,516  4,566 

Leather  Workers    13  232  360 

Forestry   and    Agriculture 27  1,041  3,027 

Boot  and  Shoe  Workers 30  1,998  2,467 

Tailors     27  1,172  2,012 

Street  Railway  Employees 7  758  1.030 

StoneCutters    26  644  717 

Fisherman    (Aales    Local) 150 

Tobacco   Workers    9  894  1,007 

Hosiery  and   Knit  Goods 2  215  150 

Wood  Workers  83  5,656  7,279 

Other  trades   5  132  171 

Total  1918    99.721 

"      1916   1,184  80,628 

"     1915    1,096  77,968 

"     1914    1,039  67,235 


The  strongest  Union  belonging  to  the  National  Federation  of 
Trade  Unions  in  Norway  is  the  Laborers'  Federation,  comprising  347 
local  unions  with  a  membership  of  20,465. 

The  second  largest  federation  is  that  of  the  iron  and  metal  work- 
ers— 116  unions  with  a  membership  of  17,002. 

The  workers  in  the  paper  industry  comprise  79  unions  and  a 
membership  of  6,500. 
Method  of  Organization. 

The  Unions  are  organized  in  the  form  of  locals.  There  are  also 
local  and  district  federations,  culminating  in  a  National  Federation. 
The  Unions  are  essentially  craft  unions.  In  some  instances  the  occu- 
pational, or  trade  lines  have  not  been  closely  drawn  and  considerable 
industrial  unionism  has  developed.  This  is  true  in  the  case  of  the 
iron,  steel  and  metal  workers,  workers  in  the  paper  industry,  and  the 
laborers'  federation,  made  up  of  unskilled  workers  in  various  industries. 
Centralization  characterizes  the  movement.  The  cohesive  element  is 
found  in  the  strike  and  mutual  benefit  fund  carried  by  the  National 
Federation,  through  the  various  locals.  The  highest  legislative  au- 
thority in  the  federation  is  the  National  Congress  or  convention  which 
meets  bi-annually.  The  principal  governing  body  is  the  Board  of  Dele- 
gates or  representatives  which  meets  semi-annually.  Current  work  of 
the  federation  is  conducted  by  an  executive  committee  composed  of 
the  president,  vice  president,  treasurer  and  secretaries  and  two  rep- 
resentatives from  the  Labor  Party  Committee. 

The  National  Federation  of  Trade  Unions  is  affiliated  with  the 
International  Trade  LTnion  movement.  The  political  counterpart  of 
the  National  Federation  is  the  Labor  Party  with  which  it  maintains 
very  close  affiliation.  As  a  consequence  of  this  affiliation  of  the 
Trade  Unions  with  the  political  party  organization,  several  of  the 
unions  have  not  affiliated  with  the  National  Federation  of  Trade 
Unions.  These  have  deemed  the  political  affiliation  sufficient  to 
advance  their  larger  political  interests.  The  affiliation  of  the  Trade 
L'nion  movement  with  the  Labor  Party  is  effected  by  the  joint  repre- 
sentation upon  each  other's  executive  committee.  The  Norwegian 
Trade  Union  Federation  also  meets  in  joint  conferences  representa- 
tives of  the  Labor  movement  of  the  other  two  Scandinavian  countries, 
with  whom  close  affiliation  has  been  maintained  since  as  early  as 
1886. 


10 


TABLE  III. 

1.     LEADERS  OF  THE  TRADE   UNION  MOVEMENT 
The  president  of  the  General  Federation  of  Trade  Unions  is  Ole 
O.  lian,  who  is  also  a  social-democratic  member  of  Parliament  and 
a  member  of  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  Norwegian  Labor  Party. 
Among  leaders  of  the  different  Unions  may  be  named  the  fol- 
lowing : 


Laborers'    Federation     ( Arbeidamandsforbundet) 

Bakers  and  Confectioners'  Federation  (Baker-og  Kondi- 
torforbundet) 

Barbers',  etc.,  Federation  ( Barber-og  Frisorav.    Forbund) 

Bookbinders'    Federation    (Bokbinder    Forbundet) 

Central  Union  of  Bookbinders  (Centraltoreningen  for 
Boktrykkere) 

Moulders'   Federation    (Former   Forbundet) 

Goldsmiths'   Federation    (Guldsmedarbeider    forbundet) 

Harbor  and  Transport  Workers'  Federation  (Havne-og 
Transportatbeiderforb) 

Slaughter-house  Workers'  Union  (Kjotindustriarbeider 
forbundet) 

Lithographers'   Federation    (Litografisk  forbund) 

Painters'    Federation    (Maler    forbundet) 

Steam  Engineers'  and  Firemen's  Union  (Matros-og  fyrb. 
union) 

Masons  Federation    (Murer  forbundet) 

Furniture  Workers'  Federation  (Mobelindustriarbeider 
forbundet) 

Paper  Industries  Workers'  Federation  (Papirindustriar- 
beider  forbundet) 

Sadlery  and  Upholsterers'  Federation  (Safeln.-og  Tapet- 
serer  forbundet) 

Sawmill  and  Planing  Mill  Workers'  Federation  (Sag-tomt- 
og  Hovleriarb  forbundet) 

Forest  and  Agricultural  Workers'  Federation  (Skog-og 
Jordbrukaarabeider  forbundet) 

Boot  and  Shoe  Workers'  Federation  (Skotoiarbeider  for- 
bundet) 

Tailors'  Federation  (Skrasdder  forbundet) 

Street  Railway  Employees'  Federation  (Sporveis  forbun- 
det) 

Stone  Cutters'  Federation    (Stenhugger   forbundet) 

Tobacco  Workers'  Federation   ( Tobakerbeider  forbundet) 

Hosiery  and  Knit  Goods  Workers'  Federation  (Trikota- 
gearbeiderskernes  forbundet) 

Wood  Workers'  Federation    (Traearbeider  forbundet) 


Rich.  Hansen 

Johan   Nygaard 
Henrik   Fjeld 
Hans  Aas 

O.  Rund 
Ludv.  Johansen 
E.  Gabrielsen 

A.  Knudsen 

H.  Haffaahl 
Rob  Kopp 
J.  M.  Winge 

Gerh.   Gulbrandsen 
Aksel  Schultz 

Chr.  Systad 
A.  Bratvold 


J.  P.  Johnson 
M.  Westbye 
M.  Liengsn 

A.  E.  Guendersen 
P.  Lange 

E.  E.  Rudlang 
Alfr.  Pahls 
Hj.  Johansen 

Magna  Hansen 
H.  Pattersen 


11 


2.     LEADERS  OF  THE  PARTY 

The  Secretary  of  the  party  is  Magnus  Neilssen.  Among  its  lead- 
ing members  in  the  Storting  are  Christian  H.  Knudsen,  Jacob  Vindnes, 
A.  Buen,  Christian  Xornsrud.  These  were  its  principal  leaders  until 
early  in  1918  when  they  lost  power  within  the  party.  Those  gaining 
membership  under  the  new  and  more  radical  policy  of  the  party  are: 
Martin  Trammael,  Olav  Scheflo.  Eivand  Rierersen,  Henrik  Berg, 
Kyrre  Grepp  and  John  Aalberg. 

Conclusion 

The  Norwegian  Labor  Party  is  the  only  one  of  the  Scandinavian 
labor  parties  the  control  of  which  has  fallen  to  the  radical  elements — 
those  favoring  so-called  mass  action  and  the  general  strike.  At  the 
same  time  the  new  party  control  concedes  the  necessity  of  working 
with  parliamentary  means  as  well  as  employing  economic  action.  It  is 
quite  well  known  that  the  party  leaders  tempered. their  former  extreme 
utterances  and  spoke  with  much  greater  reserve  on  the  eve  of  the 
October,  1918,  elections.  The  extent  of  their  parliamentary  radicalism 
will  consist  merely  perhaps  in  refusing  to  cooperate  with  the  Liberal 
Party  group  in  the  Government,  and  to  insist  upon  working  inde- 
pendently until  they  obtain  their  own  majority  at  the  elections,  and 
thereby  secure  control  of  the  ministry.  Methods  of  violence  and  revo- 
lution will  undoubtedly  be  avoided,  provided  always,  however,  that 
economic  conditions  remain  reasonably  stable. 


12 


